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AU Peace and Security Council Reiterates Call for the Release of First Vice President Riek Machar

The Index Post

The Index Post

May 5, 2026

AU Peace and Security Council Reiterates Call for the Release of First Vice President Riek Machar

African Union Head Quarter in Addis Ababa - Ethiopia

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - In the diplomatic architecture of the African Union, language is often a carefully calibrated tool of obfuscation. But in the communique issued following the 1343rd meeting of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) on April 30, 2026, the language shifted from the cautiously optimistic to the pointedly urgent. The document, born from a high-stakes field mission to Juba just days earlier, serves as a stark indictment of a peace process that is effectively frozen in place, symbolized most potently by the ongoing confinement of the nation’s First Vice President.

The Council’s reiterate call for the release of Dr. Riek Machar is not merely a procedural request; it is a desperate attempt to jumpstart the stalled 2018 Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS). For years, the international community has watched as the transition period was extended and deadlines were missed, but the AU’s latest pronouncement suggests that the window for a peaceful resolution is rapidly closing as the nation stares down a December 2026 election deadline.

At the heart of the diplomatic impasse is the "continued house arrest" of First Vice President Dr. Riek Machar. The Council expressed "deep concern" over this arrangement, which has become the primary obstacle to the "meaningful dialogue" necessary to implement the R-ARCSS. The AU underlined the necessity for his release, alongside all other political detainees, framing it as a prerequisite for an "amicable resolution" of the current political and security deadlock.

The irony of a First Vice President—a primary signatory of the peace agreement—being held in custody by his own government is not lost on the Council. The communique describes a "mutual trust deficit" and "growing tension within the leadership" of the Revitalized Transitional Government of National Unity (RTGoNU). In a direct appeal to the nation’s elite, the AU "strongly urges" South Sudanese leaders to set aside "personal and group differences" and prioritize the "supreme interests" of their people above all else.

The Council’s message is clear: a transition cannot be "inclusive, fair and just" if one of its central figures is silenced. The AU has categorically stated that there is no "viable and sustainable military solution" to the differences among the signatories, calling instead for an "immediate and unconditional permanent ceasefire" across the entire territory.

While the political elite remains locked in a battle of wills in Juba, the security situation in the interior is "weakening". The AU report details a harrowing landscape of active conflict, specifically noting the "ongoing fighting between the South Sudan Defence Forces and the forces loyal to Dr. Riek Machar". This violence has displaced thousands of civilians, driving them into internal displacement camps or across the border into neighboring Ethiopia.

The violence is not limited to the formal military factions. The Council also noted "sporadic cases of intercommunal violence" that continue to plague various parts of the country. Addressing these clashes, the AU insists, requires more than just a security presence; it demands an "inclusive process" that addresses the "structural root causes" and factors that fuel these local wars.

The AU's "Silencing the Guns" initiative, which serves as the backdrop for these deliberations, feels increasingly distant in a nation where military confrontation remains the primary currency of political negotiation. The Council’s demand for a ceasefire is an admission that the 2018 agreement is failing to hold the line against a relapse into full-scale civil war.

The Triple Threat: War, Climate, and Hunger
Compounding the political and security crisis is a "deteriorating humanitarian crisis" that the AU attributes to a lethal combination of factors. Beyond the immediate violence, South Sudan is reeling from "economic shocks" and the "negative effects of climate change". The communique lists "floods, pests and crop failure" as primary drivers of a widespread food insecurity crisis.

The regional context adds another layer of instability. The ongoing conflict in Sudan has forced a massive "influx of refugees" into South Sudan, further straining the country’s limited resources and institutional capacity. This convergence of crises has led the AU to appeal to international partners for continued humanitarian support and the establishment of "humanitarian corridors" to protect both civilians and aid workers.

In this context, the Council’s support for the renewal of the UNMISS mandate is a recognition of the critical role the United Nations plays in "facilitating the implementation of the R-ARCSS" and the "protection of civilians". The AU is essentially acknowledging that without an international security blanket, the South Sudanese state would likely collapse under the weight of its own internal contradictions and external pressures.

The most looming challenge on the horizon is the national election scheduled for December 2026. The RTGoNU has committed to financing these polls, a move the AU commended, but the logistical and political hurdles remain gargantuan. The Council emphasized that for these elections to be "credible" and reflect the "general will of the people," there must be a "conducive conditions" and an "inclusive" decision-making process involving all signatories of the R-ARCSS.

To bridge the gap between Juba’s aspirations and its actual capabilities, the AU Commission is set to deploy a "multidimensional technical needs assessment team". This team is tasked with engaging transitional authorities to determine what is required—technically, materially, and financially—to conduct a "free, fair, democratic and inclusive" vote.

The Council is effectively putting the RTGoNU on a clock. Following this assessment, the government is expected to submit its specific requirements to the AU Commission to "garner the required support". The AU has even called upon its member states to contribute "technical, material and financial assistance" to the National Election Commission, signaling that the continent itself must bear the burden of ensuring South Sudan does not "relapse" into chaos.

The AU’s strategy for the coming months relies heavily on the work of H.E. Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, the former President of Tanzania, who now serves as the AU High Representative/Special Envoy for South Sudan. Kikwete’s recent visit to Juba in early April 2026 was a critical part of the high-level engagement the Council believes is necessary to "keep the fragile peace process alive".

The Council also expressed its "unwavering commitment" to the R-ARCSS as the only "cornerstone for sustainable peace". It highlighted the role of the AU Ad-Hoc High-Level Committee for South Sudan (C-5) and urged the signatories to cooperate fully with this body. The diplomatic effort is a multi-layered tessellation of actors—IGAD, the Troika, the UN, and the AU—all working to prevent a total breakdown of the 2018 deal.
However, the communique also reveals internal challenges within the AU’s own operations. The AU Mission in South Sudan (AUMISS) was commended for its work, yet the Council noted "with concern" the "institutional capacity challenges" the mission still faces. The Chairperson of the Commission has been requested to "avail the resources" necessary for AUMISS to "effectively discharge its mandate," a subtle hint that the AU’s reach on the ground is currently exceeding its grasp.

As the meeting in Addis Ababa concluded, the Council reaffirmed its respect for the "sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity" of South Sudan. But this respect comes with a heavy price: the expectation of reform and the release of political prisoners. The AU has made it clear that "reconciliation" is not a luxury, but a "mutual confidence and trust building gesture" essential for the country’s stability.
The communique emphasizes the "important role of women and youth" in the peace process, reconciliation, and economic development, signaling that a durable peace cannot be built by the same aging leaders who initiated the conflict.

For the people of South Sudan, the AU’s "active seizure" of the matter is a double-edged sword. It represents a continental commitment to their survival, but it also highlights the profound failure of their own leadership to govern effectively or even to trust one another enough to sit at the same table without one of them being under arrest. As the multidimensional technical team prepares for its deployment, the question remains whether the release of Riek Machar will be the key that unlocks the transition, or if the "personal and group differences" cited by the Council have already doomed the 2026 vote before a single ballot is cast.

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